Lincoln – Lincoln’s Reconstruction

The Myth

Lincoln has been considered in nearly every possible way. He was the moderate politician, cunning and tuned into public opinion — able to sway his constituents and change his policies to match the environment. He was the great emancipator, the radical abolitionist and racial equality. He was the patriot, willing to do whatever it took to keep the country together. In a way all of these things are true, but it is important to understand the myth surrounding the man. He was a man, he was charming and politically savvy, but his opinions also changed over time. He ended slavery, but only did so once he was convinced it would not exacerbate his tense relationship with the South

Especially in the context of his death, Lincoln has become a mythical representation of the end of slavery in this the United States. 

“God had made Lincoln his instrument to save the Union, and he had become Christ-like and a martyr, but God would use sterner men to reconstruct the South. Across the North hundreds of Protestant ministers echoed this theme.” (12)  
“Lincoln proved more malleable in death than in life. The assassination, the end of slavery, and the religious imagery and sermons surrounding his funeral speeded Lincoln’s transformation into “Father Abraham.”” (22)

Lincoln was certainly focused on the preservation of the Union, on multiple occasions he deemphasized his belief in emancipation, and was willing to abandon Black citizens for this goal. Along with many other politicians at this time, before his presidency, and in the early part of the Civil War, Lincoln’s rhetoric was based on compromise and keeping the country whole.

“What I do about slavery, and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union.” (228) (footnote 53)
“I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on the moral question of slavery.” From Abraham Lincoln to Albert G. Hodges [Draft], April 4, 1864. LOC

This being said, he was decidedly anti-slavery. He took what initiative he felt he was able to free slaves.

“I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong. I can not remember when I did not so think, and feel. And yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling.” From Abraham Lincoln to Albert G. Hodges [Draft], April 4, 1864. LOC
“But ealy in the war, he had made public a plan for emancipation that, while unsuccessful, committed the federal government to seeking an end to slavery. He made clear numerous times his wish that ‘all men everywhere could be free,’ and signed every piece of antislavery legislation enacted by Congress, including highly controversial measures like the Militia and Second Confiscation Acts.” (246)
“How to better the condition of the colored race has long been a study which has attracted my serious and careful attention.” Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln. Volume 7. TO JAMES S. WADSWORTH [January, 1864?]. New York Tribune, September 26, 1865; Scribner's Magazine, January, 1893. University of Michigan Library
Frederick Douglass even said that when he met Lincoln, he “showed a deeper moral conviction against slavery than I had ever seen before in anything spoken or written by him.” (306)

Changing opinions

A less widely acknowledged, but sensible explanation of the disagreeing interpretations held within academic work on Lincoln is simply that his opinions and priorities changed throughout the course of his life. His views on Black rights changed the more interactions he had with actual Black people, which thus impacted his plans for Reconstruction and emancipation.

 “Only during the Civil War would he come into contact with black Americans of political experience and wide-ranging accomplishment. Partly as a result, his outlook regarding the place of blacks in American society would finally begin to change.” (131)
“Lincoln had not entirely abandoned his previous thinking, elements of which would reappear in the next two years. From time to time he would speak again of gradualism and compensation, but these no longer formed parts of a comprehensive plan of emancipation.” (244)

A potent example of these changes in his political ideals is his plans for colonization. Early in emancipatory considerations, Lincoln was a proponent of colonization, sending newly freed Black Americans back to Africa and the Caribbean. Later, possibly due in part to his interactions with Black citizens, he abandoned this plan in favor of granting them rights as Americans.

“Although Lincoln appears to have had little direct influence on congressional deliberations, proponents of colonizations invoked the president’s name.” (222)
“Lincoln authorized Secretary Smith to sign an agreement with the Chiriqui company for the U.S. government to purchase land for the colonists and advance funds for the development of coal mines. The document envisioned the eventual dispatch of 10,000 emigrants.” (226)
“With the exception of Montgomery Blair, the cabinet endorsed Lincoln’s decision.” (231)
“even as Lincoln pressed his colonization plan the administration moved toward recognizing blacks as free laborers and American citizens.” (235)
“Lincoln also abandoned the idea of colonization.” (258)

It was expressed that Lincoln seemed to have been becoming more radical towards the end of his life.

“Speed thought Lincoln was moving toward the Radical position.” (332)

Lincoln’s Reconstruction

Reconstruction under Lincoln’s guidance would have been very different than it was under Johnson’s. His views on Black Americans were far more favorable, and though he was not intending a social revolution, it is likely that he would have fought for better conditions.

“I barely suggest for your private consideration, whether some of the colored people may not be let in — as, for instances, the very intelligent, and especially those who have fought gallantly in our ranks. They would probably help, in some trying time to come, to keep the jewell of liberty within the family of freedom. But this is only a suggestion, not to the public, but to you alone.”From Abraham Lincoln to Michael Hahn [Draft; Copy in a Secretarial Hand], March 13, 1864. LOC Abraham lincoln papers
“I have expressly disclaimed all intention to produce social and political equality between the whites and blacks…I have made it equally plain that I beleive the nego is included in the word “men” used in the Declaration of Independence.” From Abraham Lincoln to James N. Brown [Fragment of a Draft or Copy] October 18, 1858. LOC
“ believe the declaration that “all men are created equal” is the great fundamental principle upon which our free institutions rest” From Abraham Lincoln to James N. Brown [Fragment of a Draft or Copy] October 18, 1858. LOC
“Lincoln praised Louisiana’s accomplishments—the abolition of slavery, public education for both races, and the fact that abolition had been immediate, without an apprenticeship program of the kind he himself had once favored.” (330)
“You have enquired how the goverment would regard and treat cases wherein the owners of plantations, in Arkansas, for instance, might fully recognize the freedom of those formerly slaves, and by fair contracts of hire with them, re-commence the cultivation of their plantations. I answer I should regard such cases with great favor, and should, as the principle, treat them precisely as as I would treat the same number of free white people in the same relation and condition. Whether white or black, reasonable effort should be made to give government protection.” From Abraham Lincoln to Alpheus Lewis [Draft], January 23, 1864. LOC
“With the foregoing qualifications and explanations, and in view of it's tendency to advance freedom, and restore peace and prosperity, such hiring and employment of the freed people, would be regarded by me with rather especial favor.” From Abraham Lincoln to Alpheus Lewis [Draft], January 23, 1864. LOC
“A very fair proportion of the people of Louisiana have inaugerated a new State Government, making an excellent new Constition — better for the poor black man than we have in Illinois.” From Abraham Lincoln to Stephen Hurlbut [Copy], November 14, 1864. LOC
State constitutions in Lincoln's 1883 Reconstruction plan could adapt temporary measures regarding freed slaves, “consistent… with their present condition as a laboring, landless, and homeless class.” He was looking to limit “confusion and destitution” from the “total revolution of labor.” (272)
“And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known that any provision which may be adopted by such State government in relation to the freed people of such State, which shall recognize and declare their permanent freedom, provide for their education, and which may yet be consistent, as a temporary arrangement, with their present condition as a laboring, landless, and homeless class, shall not be objected to by the national executive.” Abraham Lincoln, Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction [Draft]December 8, 1863. LOC

These last quotes are reminiscent of what other Republicans in Congress said while defending the Freedmen's Bureau. Though there is little actual information on the extent of Lincoln's support, we can infer through his actions that he at least partially supported it. Certainly more than Johnson, who was outright hostile towards it.

“That we the undersigned committee of the National Freedman's Association, while we have witnessed with the liveliest interest the many benificent measures the Government has instituted in behalf of this unfortunate race, we would most respectfully and earnestly call the attention of Your Excellency and of the public authorities to this important and humane subject. That some proper and so far as feasible, sufficient means be taken to place the officers and men of colored regiments in the same relations as those of white regiments. That common humanity, enlightened policy and our national good name demand this.” -this was included in the amnesty proclamation! (From National Freedmen's Relief Association to Abraham Lincoln, May 29, 1863. LOC)
Lincoln said, “The subject of the letter, as indicated above, is one of great magnitude and importance, and one which these gentlemen, of known ability and high character seem to have considered with great attention and care. Not having time to form a mature judgment of my own as to whether the plan they suggest is the best, I submit the whole subject to Congress, deeming that their attention thereto is almost imperatively demanded.” (Abraham Lincoln, Dec. 17, 1963)

This message reinforces that he was working better with Congress than Johnson later was. He states that he is interested in the content of the letter, but that in the end he trusts Congress to make the decision. He is fairly non-committal and very political in his response. But his bringing it to the attention of the Congress and speaking on behalf of the authors credibility it also lends to the interpretation that he supported Freedmen’s bureau.

His pocket-veto of the Wade-Davis bill, which shows his hesitation for a strict Reconstruction and desire maintain relations after the end of the war, did not have the same impact on his relationship with Congress as Johnsons later vetoes. Lincoln still “enjoyed good personal relations with Radical leaders… and had cooperated with Radicals on issues ranging from war appropriations to the recruitment of black troops.” (61)

He even expressed some interest in Black suffrage.

“I would myself prefer that [the vote] were now conferred on the very intelligent, and on those who serve our cause as soldiers.” (331)

We cannot assume much from the recommendations Lincoln received on this topic. Words from others sent to him don't necessarily give us insight into his opinion, but it at least indicates that those sending the messages thought he would be open to hearing them. In this we can see that Lincoln was perceived by contemporaries as someone who cared deeply about the rights of Black citizens.

“Now I am convinced that universal suffrage is demanded by sound policy and impartial justice alike.” From Salmon P. Chase to Abraham Lincoln, April 12, 1865. LOC
“Since the opinion of Attorney General Bates, no one, connected with your administration, has questioned the citizenship of free colored men more than that of free white men. The restriction in the amnesty proclamation operated as a revocation of the order to General Shepley: — but, as I understood you not to be wedded to any particular plan of reconstruction, I hoped & believed that reflection & observation would probably satisfy you that the restriction should not be adhered to.” From Salmon P. Chase to Abraham Lincoln, April 12, 1865. LOC
“That we the undersigned committee of the National Freedman's Association, while we have witnessed with the liveliest interest the many benificent measures the Government has instituted in behalf of this unfortunate race, we would most respectfully and earnestly call the attention of Your Excellency and of the public authorities to this important and humane subject. That some proper and so far as feasible, sufficient means be taken to place the officers and men of colored regiments in the same relations as those of white regiments. That common humanity, enlightened policy and our national good name demand this.” -this was included in the amnesty proclamation! (From National Freedmen's Relief Association to Abraham Lincoln, May 29, 1863. LOC)

The minority of his cabinet after his death also ended up being in favor of naturalizing Black people. Which does not prove that Lincoln would have been, but lends some credibility to that interpretation.

“My opinion is, such the opinion of the present Secretary of State, such the opinion of Mr. Lincoln’s Administration in all its departments, such I believe to be the prevailing opinion in the United States, that all native-born persons not subject to a foreign Power are by virtue of their birth citizens of the United States.” (Mr. Trumbull) (1756)
“It was believed by myself and many others that all native-born persons since the abolition of slavery were citizens of the United States. This was the opinion of Mr. Bates, the Attorney General during Mr. Lincoln’s Administration, the opinion adopted by his Administration and acted upon since by all departments of the Executive Government.” (Mr. Trumbull) (1756)

Lincoln was not interested in a complete overhaul of the systems of power. Though his Reconstruction would invariably have been quite different than Johnson's, the compromises he would have made would likely have been great. He was still concerned about the unity of the nation, and more interested in accommodating the South than in Black civil rights.

“Clearly, Lincoln did not envision Reconstruction as embodying a social and political revolution beyond the abolition of slavery. His approach recognized the traditional power of the states to determine the civil and political rights of their inhabitants.” (272)
In 1862 he expressed the necessity for the “gradual abolishment of slavery.” He stated that the government has no right to “interfere with slavery within state limits.” (195-6) 
“Lincoln feared that immediate abolition might result in chaos.” (200)
He stated that Black people could never “be placed on an equality with the white race” in the United States, and that, whether that was “right or wrong [he] need not discuss.” (224) 

Though we can postulate about what the content of a Reconstruction under Lincoln would have been like, the truth is we have little idea. At the time of his assassination Reconstruction was in flux, and very little was set in stone about how Lincoln wished it to go.

“As his last speech and final cabinet meeting demonstrated, Reconstruction policy was in flux when Lincoln died.” (333)